THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN THE MORAL LIFE OF NIGERIANS given at
First Annual Round Table Confernce on Cultural Orientation
National Institute for Cultural Orientation (NICO)
Conference Banquet Hall, National Theatre,
Iganmu, Lagos
8 September 2004The pre-Islamic and pre-Christian situation
There are two trends in writings about pre-Islamic, pre-Christian Africa. One is the disdain found in early Arab geographers. Ibn-Qutayba and others after him repeat the story that Africans are the cursed descendants of Ham. Ad-Dimashkî says: "The equator is inhabited by Sûdânese tribes that can be reckoned as wild animals or cattle. Their skin and hair are burnt and they are morally and physically perverse. Their brains nearly boil from the intensity of the sun's heat."1 Similar disdain or condescension is found in some 19th century missionary propaganda and European philosophers like Hegel, who thought that civilization could only flourish in a "temperate" climate.2
The grand patron of the opposite idealization of untainted pristine Africa is Jean-Jacques Rousseau. As Anthony Akinwale summarizes:
A careful consideration of two of his writings: Discourse on the arts and the sciences and Emile brings the reader's memory in touch with his view of the human person who, according to Rousseau, was perfect in the state of nature and who, in the perfection of the state of nature, was animated by the two sentiments of compassion and self-preservation. For Rousseau, the quintessential human being in the perfect state of nature so described is the "savage African" in the bush. This perfect state of nature was corrupted by civilization, the process by which the human being was taken from the bush to live in the city. This view of human nature, in my opinion, led many African scholars to romanticize about an African past — before the coming of western civilization, colonialism and Christianity — when Africa was perfect and untainted. Implicit in this claim is that the African, before contact with western civilization, was not affected by original sin. It was an implicit claim to an "immaculate conception".3This view, described by Akinwale, was taken up by on an ideological plane by Placid Tempels in his Plaidoyer pour la philosophie Bantu,4 on a literary plane by Chinua Achebe etc., on a nationalist political plane by Leopold Senghor through the slogan of la négritude, Mobutu Sese Seko in the catchword l'autenticité, in the reevaluation of African Traditional Religion by Bolaji Idowu and his many disciples,5 and on the platform of Christian inculturation by writers such as Elochukwu Uzukwu.6
Akinwale retorts that "the African did not say farewell to innocence when the white man came," pointing out that "only the man or woman of the clan was bestowed with sacred status," and there were wars and slave trade before the trans-Atlantic trade.
Nevertheless, these writers do make the point that Africa during this period was not in a state of jâhiliyya, but had many true values which Christians and Muslims today should respect and conserve. The first academic defense of the validity of so-called primitive peoples' moral values and knowledge of God was made by Fr. Wilhelm Schmidt (1868-1954), founder of the journal Anthropos, although his ideas never made much impact in the English-speaking world.7
In recognizing the values of traditional religion, Christians and Muslims have the precedent of their forebears who centuries ago came into contact with the writings of Plato and Aristotle on ethics and a virtuous society, and found them compatible with their own teachings, even though their own teachings transcend those of these Greek philosophers.
Ethics in Christian history
Christianity emerged from a millennium of Jewish tradition, with little influence from Greek or other cultures in the Middle East or Europe. The ethical teachings of the New Testament are a marked advance on and fulfillment of the Old Testament. They were put into practice in the heroic lives of many Christians during three centuries of government hostility or indifference.
With the coming of Constantine, Christianity finally achieved government recognition and favour, but, for all the cooperation or mutual influence, the Emperor remained head of state, and the Pope head of the Church. In the following centuries, one or the other predominated. In the West, the Church more or less successfully maintained its independence from state power and it was an important agent in setting the ethical tone of society. In the East, however, the schismatic churches fell under the control of the civil rulers. The same happened in the newly Protestant areas of the West, where absolutist governments muzzled both church and universities in the name of State-Christianity.
The Enlightenment radically shook the status quo everywhere it was embraced. The inter-religious wars in Europe and the moral corruption that pervaded the Church establishment fostered a revolt against Church power. Kant articulated this revolt by rejecting "heteronomy" — the outside rule by God or the Church — and substituting for it "autonomy", whereby each person makes his own rules. Machiavelli articulated it by declaring the prince free from any ethical constraints in his pursuit of power; he thereby jettisoned not only Christian tradition but also the Greek philosophical tradition, which focused on the well-being of the politeia (society) rather than the self-interest of the prince. In Europe the Enlightenment secularized society and sidelined the Church from influence on public life, even where it retained the trappings of establishment.8 As a consequence, among the educated and urban population there is considerable religious indifference.
The anti-religious stance of the Enlightenment was moderated in the United States, which departed from the European model of religious establishment. This resulted in a real independence of churches and other religious bodies from government control, and a consequent vigorous flourishing of these bodies with considerable influence on public opinion. This contrasts strongly with Christianity in Europe, where the memory of establishment and religious strife is still strong. The American model of non-establishment of religion was adopted in many other countries, and is the one practiced in Nigeria today.
Freedom of religion in Nigeria has led to an explosion of religious movements which is really chaotic. But it is the chaos of life, not death. The more successful new churches, along with the older churches, are a voice to be reckoned with in public opinion and the formulation of public policy.
The churches are often taunted because Nigeria is simultaneously the most religious country in the world, in terms of belief and practice, and one of the most corrupt countries in the world. What is their influence on the people? We cannot deny the pervasiveness of corruption in the country or claim that the Church has its house in order; neither can we deny the reality of decency and goodness that can be found on any street or public place. Religion does influence the behaviour of countless people.
Churches could be scored on their impact on the behaviour of their members and of society at large by several criteria:
- The moral teaching that is preached. Does it begin from a God who is above us, who calls us to fellowship with himself and demands entire self-giving by love of God, with sights on an afterlife, and love of neighbour, with sights on the need to work for a better society, and with sights on the eternal misery of those who disregard this demand? Or does it simply promise miracle prosperity and escape from the cross of struggling to make life better?
- Effectiveness of communicating the teaching. Is it simply through boring sermons in church? Or does it attract people to the church and also find ways of broadcasting the message more widely?
- Provision for personal renunciation of sin, counseling and rites of divine healing, such as is done in the sacraments of Baptism, Confession and Holy Communion. Those who have experience of this can testify to its effectiveness.
Ethics in Islamic history
Islam emerged in a situation of social crisis resulting from international trade and urbanization, with the mixing of independent desert clans in the close quarters of a city. The Qur'ân not only addressed these problems in their cultural context, but also outlined principles of morality of universal applicability. Even though no Muslim community can be said to have lived up to these principles perfectly, they still have had a positive impact and have inspired countless people to practice heroic self-sacrifice for their families, friends, community and strangers who came their way.
At its beginnings, Islamic society was characterized by the institution of the "imâm", who was not only leader of prayer, and thus head of the mosque, but also head of state. The roles of Pope and Emperor in Christendom were, in the Islamic umma, fused into one person. So it is commonly said that there is no distinction between politics and religion in Islam.
As a matter of fact, however, in the Umayyad and `Abbâsid dynasties and in the countless subsequent regimes, the heads of state were worldly, practical men, with little mind for religion. The real religious and moral authority fell into the hands of the `ulamâ', not those working in government service, but people like Ahmad ibn-Hanbal and so many others who distanced themselves from the government. These were revered by the people, and were often a check against government secularizing tendencies. Muslim society has always experienced some tension between the established powers and forces of reform (islâ) or purported reform from below — Any revolutionary, no matter what his intentions, will claim that he is a religious reformer.
The Enlightenment has found numerous disciples among Muslim intellectuals, but in no Muslim country, except to some extent Turkey, have they captured the political leadership. State-Islam is the general pattern, whereby the government recognizes Islam as the established and privileged religion, but goes its own way and follows its own agenda, muzzling any effective voice of opposition.
Well-meaning Muslims in those places are in a quandary. They are afraid to push for liberalization because of the possibility on the one hand of being flooded with corruptive outside influences, and on the other hand of falling under a new tyranny of narrow-minded religious zealots. Yet they feel stifled by governments that are repressive and only pay lip service to religion.
Outside the traditional dâr al-islâm Muslims have an unprecedented freedom of initiative. I will pass over the vigorous activity and impact of Muslims in the U.S. Here in the south of Nigeria we see a vibrant, dynamic Muslim community that is active not only in traditional Islamic education and practice, but is innovative in many forms of self-renewal, as can be seen in the NASFAT movement and the institution of Shari`ah courts in Ibadan and Lagos administered by the Muslim community itself and not by the government, an initiative which I applauded.
A northern Muslim leader once confided to me that he lamented the passivity of much of the Muslim populace, who wait for government, wealthy men or foreign Arab aid to sponsor projects for them, whereas the Christians have been trained in self-help and can build and maintain their institutions with little dependence on outside aid. He needn't have pointed to the Christians for that. He could have looked at the Muslims in the south who are doing the same thing.
I don't think Muslims in the south, any more than the Christians, would claim that their house is in perfect order, but the positive impact of Islam on people's lives is something tangible and evident in the lives of so many Muslims one meets. Muslim leaders, moreover, command respect and will be listened to when they speak on matters affecting the moral well-being of the nation.
The House of Islam too can score itself on its moral impact by criteria similar to those proposed for the churches:
- The message that preachers focus on. Do they stress the transcendent majesty of God, his kindness and condescension in calling people to an eternal heavenly destiny, his justice in both rewarding and punishing, the challenge to be just and kind to others and work for the common good? Or do they simply advertize powerful prayers and amulets that will obtain for people whatever their hearts desire?
- Effectiveness of communication. Again is it simply boring sermons? I know that there some musicians, like Abdul-Wahab Ademola Olalekan Falowo, Alhaji Dr. Abdul Waheed Ariyo and a host of others, who have captured a wide and attentive audience to their form of presenting the Islamic message.9 Others criticize this method. Muslims need to study what is the best and most effective way to implant correct moral principles in the minds and hearts of people, especially the young?
- A one-to-one ministry to those who are struggling with moral problems in their lives. Who is there to guide, correct and advise them, to encourage and pray for them? Textbooks on kalâm commonly have a section on tawba, outlining the requisites for repentance or moral conversion in the lives of Muslims. How is this being practicalized today?
The scandal of inter-religious conflict
The chief argument for the counter-relevance of religion to public morals in Nigeria is the constant recurrence of inter-religious battles in the northern part of the country. Religious principles seem to be thrown to the wind when attacks are launched against another religious community. These are always wrongly justified as responses to provocations. Both Muslims and Christians have launched attacks on each other in response to attacks on themselves. What is more astounding, however, is when attacks are launched by those who never suffered an attack and upon those who never launched an attack, such as when Kano Muslims attacked Kano Christians because of conflicts in Plateau State or because the Americans bombed Afghanistan. Also astounding is the launching of attacks not in response to physical attacks on anyone, but because of insensitive remarks, such as when Kaduna Muslims attacked Kaduna Christians over an editorial in a Lagos magazine about Miss World.
None of this can be justified by any religious standard, even when those taking part claim that this is jihâd in defense of their religion. Why does it happen then? The attacks that take place are never spontaneous eruptions. They are planned and led by people who stir up the masses with specious reasons, often bolstering them by money and imported fighters, for aims that are neither the interests of religion nor the welfare of the masses, but the survival and wider ambitions of the leaders. Unfortunately, every political dispensation seems to shelter some sacred cows.
What are religious people doing about this? Fortunately there are some efforts. In Kaduna there are several NGOs devoted to religious peace, most notably the Inter-Faith Mediation Centre, led by Muhammad Nurayn Ashfa and Rev. James Movel Wuye. Also the Catholic Bishops' Conference of Nigeria has a commission for interreligious dialogue, which has held joint meetings with representatives of the Jama'atu Nasril Islam in Kafanchan in October 2003 and Kaduna in November of the same year, in which I took part. These meetings, whose Proceedings are available, were very positive and promising. My only regret is that the views expressed there are not generally shared outside, and it will be an uphill struggle to get them across in the North.
While we turn to the North as the theatre of all troubles, let us not be complacent about the South. It can happen there too. All it takes is some unscrupulous people to plan and execute their mischief. It is up to religious bodies to be on their guard and innoculate their people in advance against inciting demagoguery.
Conclusion
It is an immense task for religious bodies, their leaders and members, to influence the moral characters of their members, especially the young, and at the same time to be an effective voice in the wider society and the nation.
A particular challenge for is to face the ethno-centrism which has characterized African society from before the advent of these religions right to our own day. Christianity and Islam are in an advantageous position to do so, because they are universalist religions that not only invite membership from all peoples of the world but also teach them to love and treat honourably those outside their own fold.
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NOTES 1. See Joseph Kenny, O.P., The spread of Islam through North to West Africa. A historical survey with relevant Arab documents (Ibadan: Dominican Publications, 2000), 74-76.
2. The Philosophy of history (N.Y.: Dover, 1956), Introduction, pp. 79 ff.
3. Anthony Akinwale, O.P., The Congress and the Council. Occasional Paper 1 (Ibadan: The Michael Dempsey Centre for Religious and Social Research, Dominican Institute, 2003), pp. 60-61. Cf. his "Towards a hermeneutics of prayerful vigilance in Nigerian Catholic theology," in F.A. Adedara (ed.), Church leadership and the Christian message. Proceedings of the 17th and 189th Conferences of the Catholic Theological Association of Nigeria. Presidential Address (Ibadan, 2004), 139-155, esp. 146-153.
4. Kinshasa: Faculté de Théologie Catholique, 1982 & before; English translation by A. Rubbens, Bantu philosophy (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1959).
5. E. Bolaji Idowu, African Traditional Religion. A definition (SCM, 1973).
6. In A listening Church: Autonomy and communion in African Churches (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis, 1996).
7. Especially in his Ursprung der Gottesidee, 12 vols. (Münster, 1912-1954).
8. For a detailed study of the role of the Enlightenment in separating politics from ethics and religion, see Anthony Akinwale, O.P., "Religion and politics: Philosophical origins of a separation," Orita: Ibadan Journal of Religious Studies, 32 (2000), 115-141.
9. A Ph.D. student whom I am supervising, Rev. Julius Adekoya, is working on Yoruba Islamic music.